The country's run-off election to choose a new president is bringing an already hot political pot to the boil. More than 50 candidates and activists were killed in the lead-up to the first round of elections on September 9, and now another wave of political murders is settling the scores from the first election and trying to influence the outcome of the second. The violence raises the specter of a parallel power structure capable of infiltrating and affecting a broad range of democratic institutions, including the Interior Ministry and the two parties currently vying for power. Last week, the UNE's chief strategist José Carlos Marroquín resigned after receiving a number of death threats, making him the latest casualty of these turbulent elections, which illustrates the degree to which organized crime has penetrated partisan ranks.

Costa Ricans narrowly approved CAFTA in the October 8 referendum, but the matter is not settled yet. Pro-CAFTA forces, led by President Óscar Arias, still need to push through thirteen “implementation laws” by March 1, 2008 in order for CAFTA to become law. Meanwhile, the anti-CAFTA Citizen Action Party (PAC) is spearheading an effort to enact a “mitigation agenda” – a set of laws designed to aid sectors of society that may be harmed by the treaty. So far, the Arias administration has seemed willing to consider the idea. Analysts say it has little choice – nearly half of the country and much of the Legislative Assembly are aligned against CAFTA, likely forcing the treaty's advocates to compromise.

By Matthew Brooke

The possibility that Nicaragua might become a parliamentary republic has recently fueled political debates. Last week, President Daniel Ortega publicly advocated a constitutional reform to create a parliamentary system and strengthen congressional powers, thus supporting an initiative already announced by members of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and backed by factions within the Liberal Constitutional Party (PLC). However, the initiative has been strongly criticized by the opposition, which argues that the reform is nothing more than a power grab and will not improve the quality of democracy in any way.

President Manuel Zelaya recently made an official trip to Cuba, the first Honduran head of state to do so in forty-five years. But Zelaya set off from Honduras with the intent of signing an agreement on the nations' maritime border, only to demur at the last minute. Honduran politicians, including a few top officials within Zelaya's own Liberal Party, attacked the president for making a foreign policy move that was both extravagant and fruitless. And although it seems that the trip is another sign that Zelaya is aligning with the Latin American left, analysts say that this arises not from ideology but desperation. The President has few friends at home, they say, and needs backing and possibly aid from abroad.

By Matthew Brooke